Between us, there are ways to invoke the ingenuity. In Venezuela, after twelve years of concentration and extra-legal powers, not a single crack in the institutional life that could be construed as a vacant lot, subject to random forces and private interests. Looting, treason and nonsense fed a pestilential atmosphere difficult to conceal, because the greatness will never be self-centeredness, the looting will never be justice and submission will not, on our lips, something like the taste of dignity. There was a time in recent history that the so-called Bolivarian not a missed opportunity to extol the moral and intellectual stature of its leader fundamental. Claimed, proud, he was the father of true democracy. A man of pure heart, a predestined, a sort of titan, who dazzled by their amazing brainpower. All Chávez took pains to reproduce, when talking with relatives or strangers, neologisms brightest of the presidential slang, perhaps because they thought that with every syllable pronounced merged with myth-with an oath of Güere Saman, with the scapular Maisanta. Experienced the atavistic fascination with the language of the victor.
And then, emboldened, he charged against city opposition that was a minority, and criticizing the precariousness of their leaders. They laughed, for the umpteenth time, the philosopher of Zulia and phrase summit ("If they kill me and I die"), ridicules the newly formed democratic unity table and decried their protests guarimberas strategies, among other reasons because That was the speech made circular by Mario Silva and Alberto Nolia into sewers media from which still seek to disguise their respective miseries of journalism.
is pertinent to note that, at first, this ardent defense leader behaved no major complications. The lieutenant colonel appeared to develop a social agenda and had tickets to bolster its credibility. In addition, sang and threw jokes, one thing I always thank the men and women of boring lives. But one day, that costs be stated in the schedule, things changed, because the leader, once off, began to ask much more than a feeling of political affinity. He stated explicitly his desire to stay longer in power. Then opted for the folly of chained in the media and record, in hours and hours of recording, vulgar and primitive nature. It was naive and learned, first hand, that the missions were not free and to be involved Chavez requirements: enroll in the one-party chants caletrearse and slogans (the darkest: "With hunger and unemployment, Chavez resteo me!"), establish a community council, go left and right, defending the administration, is a tell-inefficient ministers and denying reality when events conflicted with the country outlined in the president commander endless screeds. Perhaps you're right
the English essayist Jose Antonio Marina by stating in his book failed cultures, which in humans lies a hidden desire to be scammed. Otherwise, a hard time explaining why the people Chavez, in theory, heir to the rebellion of the liberators, accords with suspected "Candor" as abrasion factors schemes such as censuses, placing foundation stones (bridges, schools, hospitals, residential developments), the public presentation of models, presumably simultaneous opening of multiple works (of which only one shown on TV), murky and arbitrary management of the resources of the oil bill, the delivery of certificates instead of physical property and bombastic announcement of stages, an acronym for self-criticism (the famous three Rs) and other revolutionaries.
These are the hours in which the poor have to pretend Chavez had not ever heard any insult about Juan Manuel Santos, new best friend of Venezuela's commitment to deliver the bird melodious Makled Walid. Fools should also be at the desecration, in strange circumstances, the tomb of Simon Bolivar and considerable buying lots of food close to expiration, by the Cuban government authorities. And without dignity nationalist and patriotic without respect and without food sovereignty, Chavez must endorse (as they did in their time, many of the followers of Nazism permissive) that human life is worthless and that the permanence of good leader it genocide. Because there must be something dark in the psyche and the soul of someone who says he has no evidence that Gaddafi holds a killing of dissidents in Libya, although the author of the Green Paper previously said in a televised statement from Tripoli, the army would exterminate all the rats to rise against the people's socialist government than four decades, known as the Libyan . It seems that no villainy
cause a dent in the minds of those who resigned to reason and decided to take refuge in the fanatical belief, as Victor Klemperer reminds us in one of the most shocking chapters of his work The language of the Third Reich . The scholar writes in his notes as an Army are in denial about the unstoppable advance Allied forces in Germany, and only manages to respond: "I am a simple place, do not understand enough to judge strategy. But the Führer said the other day that we would win for sure. And he never lied. I believe in Hitler. No, God did not abandon him. I believe in Hitler. " Then, once the war, Klemperer was reunited with one of its alumni, L, who to his surprise not interested in participating in the political rehabilitation of former Nazis. When asked about the reasons for its action, yet more inexplicable in light of the disclosure of shocking crimes of the regime L confesses in a whisper: "I have not applied and I can not apply for rehabilitation. I can not deny it: I believed in him. I admit it. Others misunderstood him, betrayed him. But he still believe in Him. "
In Venezuela, years later, some still believe. And the supreme master rewards his devotion to the shame and ridicule to force them to justify the insane statement that capitalism killed on the planet Mars. There are those who insult the people who deal with mending, with criticism and angry reactions, the scraps that power as it attempts to red rag in the eyes of public opinion, but I think, with Javier Marias, that "there smokescreens not be overlooked as betray or implied. " In this case, the absolute conviction that leads to a bunch of weak-minded ... There
innocent among us. No one can pretend to be Teletubbies. Only lines of the poem Night of San Ildefonso , Octavio Paz's great, can hope to stick the guise of truth: "Entanglement circular / all have been / in the Gran Teatro del Unclean / judges, executioners, victims, witnesses / all / we have borne false witness / against the other / and against ourselves / and most vile: we / the audience applauds or yawn in his chair. / The fault is not known guilt / innocence, was greater guilt. "
Twelve years of darkness, tragedy and ruin, Chavez has no fans. Just accomplices.
